Monday, 11 February 2013

The Doctor Only Knows Economics

This could be the UPA's worst cut to its beloved aam admi. Healthcare has virtually been handed over to privateers.
Not For Those Who Need It Most
Govt seems to have abandoned healthcare to the private sector
Diagnosing An Ailing Republic
  • 70 per cent of India still lives in the villages, where only two per cent of qualified allopathic doctors are available
  • Due to lack of access to medical care, rural India relies on homoeopathy, Ayurveda, nature cure, and village doctors
  • While the world trend is to move towards public health systems, India is moving in the opposite direction: 80 per cent of healthcare is now in private sector
  • India faces a shortage of 65 lakh allied health workers. This is apart from the nurse-doctor shortage.
  • According to World Health Statistics,  2011, the density of doctors in India is 6 for a population of 10,000, while that of nurses and midwives is 13 per 10,000
  • India has a doctor: population ratio of 0.5: 1000 in comparison to 0.3 in Thailand, 0.4 in Sri Lanka, 1.6 in China, 5.4 in the UK, and 5.5 in the United States of America
  • Fifty-six per cent of all newborn deaths occur in five states: UP, Rajasthan, Orissa, MP and Andhra Pradesh
  • Forty-nine per cent of pregnant women still do not have three ante-natal visits to a doctor during pregnancy
  • An estimated 60,000 to 100,000 child deaths occur annually due to measles, a treatable disease
  • Uttar Pradesh, the most populated state in the country, does not have a single speciality hospital for cancer
  • The top three causes of death in India are malaria, tuberculosis and diarrhea, all treatable
  • The WHO ranked India's public healthcare system 112th on a roster of 190 countries
  • Post-independence India's most noteworthy achievement in the public health arena has been the eradication of polio and smallpox
Affair of the states
  • Best Public Health Kerala, Tamil Nadu,  Maharashtra, West Bengal
  • Worst Public Health Rajasthan, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa
***
India is taking firm steps to a certain health disaster. All of 80 per cent of healthcare is now privatised and caters to a minuscule, privileged section. The metros are better off: they have at least a few excellent public health facilities,  crowded though they might be. Tier II and III towns mostly have no public healthcare to speak of. As the government sector retreats, the private booms. In villages, if you are poor and sick, no one really cares, even if the government pretends to. You go to the untrained village "doctor"; you pray, you get better perhaps; all too often, you die of something curable. "India is the only country in the world that's trying to have a health transition on the basis of a private healthcare that does not exist," Amartya Sen said recently in Calcutta. "It doesn't happen anywhere else in the world. We have an out-of-the-pocket system, occasionally supplemented by government hospitals, but the whole trend in the world is towards public health systems. Even the US has come partly under the so-called Obamacare."
Sadly, even the few initiatives the Indian state takes are badly implemented. Hear the story of Suresh, 45, who lost his younger sister to cancer, eight months ago. He's a guard at the guesthouse of a pharmaceutical company in Mumbai and could not afford her treatment, so he sold some ancestral farmland in Gujarat. That money covered but a few months of bills from a private hospital. He then turned to a government hospital, but it didn't have cancer care. It didn't help in any way for Suresh that he worked for a pharmaceutical company: his job didn't come with medical benefits. "We brought her back home, hoping that if we saved on the hospital bills, we would be able to buy her medication. Finally, the money I had was too little to provide her basic help. Maybe if I had been able to buy her medicines, she would have been alive today."
But the state could have ensured that Suresh's sister lived had he been able to utilise the ambitious health insurance scheme announced in Maharashtra in 1997. The Rajiv Gandhi Jeevandayee Arogya Yojana (RGJAY) is on paper supposed to provide for 972 surgeries, therapies or procedures, along with 121 follow-up packages in 30 specialised categories. It provides each family coverage of up to Rs 1.5 lakh in hospitalisation charges at empanelled hospitals. It even allows for treatment at private hospitals. But poor implementation has ensured Suresh and hundreds of families like his do not know of such a scheme. This is true of other schemes across the country too.

Photograph by Vivek Pateria
Bhopal At the Sultaniya Hospital, as at many hospitals in the Hindi belt, there just isn't enough space for the patients who turn up. Those who attend on patients routinely brave the open.
Meanwhile, health statistics are terrifying. More than 40,000 people die every year of mosquito-borne diseases, which are easily preventable; a maternity death takes place every 10 minutes; every year, 1.8 million children (below 5 years of age) die of preventable diseases. "We are the only country in the world with such a huge percentage of privatised healthcare. Recent estimates suggest that approximately 39 million people are being pushed into poverty because of high out-of-pocket expenses on healthcare. In 1993-94, the figure was 26 million people," says Dr Shakhtivel Selvaraj, a health economist.
So the state's pretence of reaching out to the poor is really quite a farce. Consider what's been happening between the Planning Commission and health ministry. In November, the battle between then health minister Ghulam Nabi Azad and the Planning Commission came to light: Azad had pressed for increased spending on the public sector while the commission was intent on increasing private participation. This was a telling comment on the priorities of the UPA government. But with the 2014 elections in view, the government would like to present "health reforms" as a political tool. A framework for "universal health for all" is expected by April this year.
While talking always of the aam admi's needs, the UPA has been handing healthcare over to the private sector.
According to the draft of the 12th Plan, the government will increase spending on health from 1.2 per cent of the GDP to 1.9 per cent, with greater emphasis on public-private partnership. While the expert group asked for scaling up public funding from the current 1.2 per cent of GDP to roughly 2.5 per cent by the 12th Plan-end (2017-18) and to roughly 3 per cent by the 13th Plan-end (2023-24), the government only relented a bit—enough to give it room to announce more populous aam admi schemes. D. Raja of the CPI believes that "through PPP (public-private-partnership), floated in the 12th Plan, the government is working as facilitator for private sector", something that goes against the constitutional mandate of a welfare state. Former health secretary Sujata Rao says the state "cannot co-opt the private sector to provide healthcare for which government is paying money without framing stringent rules and norms." More than 70 per cent of expenditure on health in the past five years has come from households. In its nine years in power, the UPA has overseen the shrinking of the public sector and the boom in the private. All the while, it has paid lip service to aam admi causes—even as it pushes people from the margins into the wilderness. In those five years, the well-to-do have obtained better healthcare than ever before. Both the Congress and the BJP have said in their party manifestos that they want to make India a "health tourism" destination. That has already happened. Would the UPA, champion of the aam admi's interests, pat itself on the back for that? Meanwhile, most private facilities ignore a Supreme Court directive to reserve a certain percentage of their beds and treatment for the poor because they were given land at concessional rates.
Barely 100 km from the national capital, the Kosi Kalan district of Uttar Pradesh, near Mathura, presents a pathetic picture of community health care. Four months ago, the primary health centre, which caters to more than 50,000 patients with two trained nurses and two doctors, was upgraded into a community health centre with a new building. However, doctors haven't been posted at the new centre. Says Rajkumar, a doctor at the primary health centre, "We got the new building about four months ago. We are waiting for administrative sanctions"

Photograph by Tribhuvan Tiwari
Gurgaon Subedar Gupta (right) has spent about Rs 30,000 at private hospitals for his wife's treatment in one month. He feels the hospitals have made her undergo unnecessary tests.
It's a familiar tale of rural India. But what is also significant is that in the post-liberalisation era, the government health sector has virtually vanished from Tier II and III urban centres. Subedar Gupta, 32-year-old commercial vehicle driver from Gurgaon, has discovered that the government sector is an empty shell. It's the private sector that has fleeced him. His wife Chanda Devi has been complaining of severe bodyache, itching and weakness for the last five years and no one knows why. Gupta spent about Rs 30,000 last month at private hospitals. He is now broke. "They ask us for same tests—blood test, X-rays and ecg. She is continuously on medicines. They are sucking all the money out of us."
In Tier II and Tier III towns, the public healthcare system is non-existent. Even the private hospitals here are inadequate.
Millions of Indians living in small towns go through the same agony--not knowing where to turn to in the absence of a good health system. Because of that, thousands travel to Delhi's overburdened AIIMS and Safdarjung Hospital, which are staffed with excellent doctors. The rest just pay for a private system designed to extract the maximum from each patient. "Public health is a big question in small cities. They have government hospitals, which are not well-equipped—in terms of infrastructure or adequate numbers of doctors and other staff.  There is also a shortage of woman doctors," says Dr Rajesh Shukla, a consultant who has evaluated icds programmes in rural areas and studied medical care in small towns.
A large number of swanky hospitals and clinics have come up in urban India. But that does not ensure good care. There is also the issue of all this being loaded in favour of a profit-seeking system. Take the Rashtriya Swastha Bima Yojna, a government-supported health insurance scheme that rides on the private sector to provide medical care and surgical procedures at predetermined rates. Experts point to the dangers of induced demand and the prescription of unnecessary procedures to claim insurance benefits. Besides, the technology at private centres is often used to fleece patients rather than help them.
Dr Subhash Salunke, former director-general of health services, Goa, and currently director of the Public Health Federation of India, says the private sector is very scattered and unregulated, leading to lot of malpractices. This could have been checked to some extent had rules of the Clinical Establishment Act, 2010, been framed and implemented. Two years after the legislation was passed by Parliament, it hasn't been implemented. The problem lies with the "stiff resistance from the private sector to the laying down of guidelines".

Photograph by Sandipan Chatterjee
Calcutta Nomita Pramanik, a domestic help, has asthma. She earns Rs 2,800. A hospital visit costs Rs 250-300. She calls free treatment at government hospitals a "curse even enemies shouldn't suffer".
The health sector is also crippled by a shortage of doctors and nurses (see graphic). So when the government says it is serious about training more doctors and nurses, by setting up six new AIIMSes, it makes for sound planning. But politics quickly shows up: one of the AIIMSes is planned in Sonia Gandhi's constituency, Rae Bareli. Many doctors trained in excellent government medical colleges swiftly move to the private sector; they are even reluctant to take up rural jobs or postings. "Of the 1,400 doctors appointed after a proper selection process, only 900 joined the service," disclosed a spokesman of the Uttar Pradesh health directorate. Because of the shortage of doctors in government hospitals, the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) had started to recruit those trained in the Ayurvedic, Unani, Siddha and homoeopathic streams, but the process was stalled by a Rs 5,000 crore scam.
So the poor continue to suffer. In a general ward of Krishnanagar Hospital in Nandia District, West Bengal, members of a patient's family say that not a single doctor checked their ward for 24 hours after he was admitted with a cerebral condition. The doctor assigned to the hospital, who was in his chambers some 10 km away, had this to say when tracked down by Outlook, "I'm the only doctor for close to 500 patients. Is it possible for me to visit each and every patient? You have to understand my constraints. There is very little monetary incentive for doctors working in the rural areas. These are punishment postings. No one wants to come here. They want to work with rich patients and earn big money."
As he spoke, there were close to 100 patients waiting in the visiting room to see him. They were all from the villages and small towns in Nandia district. Krishnanagar Hospital is the main district hospital and patients from all over Nadia are referred to this hospital. In Uttar Pradesh, modern private health services have yet to reach beyond a dozen key cities. The rest of the state has to depend on these 12 cities, a handful of which have facilities for tertiary care. Some facilities are available only in Lucknow, where the government has concentrated all the healthcare while the rest of the sprawling state—75 districts—goes without even secondary care. According to the NRHM's fourth common review mission report, of the 515 community health centres in Uttar Pradesh, 308 were below norms laid down in the Indian Public Health Standards.
Andhra's Rajiv Aarogyasri scheme, a brainchild of YSR, sounds perfect on paper. Only, the rich end up misusing it.
Even in states that are economically better off, such as Andhra Pradesh, it is an abject tale. Right from Seetampeta in north Srikakulam district to Utnoor in Adilabad, the public healthcare system is in a shambles. Adivasis simply have no access to potable drinking water and succumb easily to totally preventable diseases. If it's gastroenteritis in Adilabad, it's malaria in Paderu Agency of Visakhapatnam district. Anti-larval spraying operations are late and haphazard. Community health workers are badly trained. Human rights teams which visit these areas say the medicines provided are sometimes past the expiry date. "Deaths due to malaria are sought to be passed off as due to other diseases like cancer, heart stroke, old age or TB," says V.S. Krishna of the Human Rights Foundation. Once touted as a model state for implementation of health insurance, Andhra Pradesh today faces a problem where the scheme is being misused by the rich. A qualified doctor himself, the late YSR, former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, launched the Rajiv Aarogyasri Scheme in 2006, providing medical cover of up to Rs 2 lakh for bpl families. Since corporate hospitals handle a bulk of the procedures, the scheme is misused. Says a cardiac surgeon at a leading Hyderabad hospital, "The rich come and seek heart procedures under Aarogyasri, casually whipping out white cards meant for bpl families. There are no checks."
The ailments of the poor often have nothing to do with the agendas of rich and powerful pharma companies. Are there lessons India can learn from the world? Experts say that the US has one of the worst public healthcare systems in the developed world. But in most countries, in Latin America or Europe, universal healthcare been achieved through governments. In Asia, Sri Lanka and Thailand can teach India some lessons on the health front. So India may be a powerful nation simply by dint of its size and market. But it is also a 'sick' nation, where there's no help for the poor when they fall sick. It's a country where a poor man can die on the pavement outside a gleaming state-of-the-art hospital with the best medical technology in the world.
Outlook

2013 World Photo Awards: STUNNERS from the pros



The London-based World Photography Organisation on February 5 announced the final shortlists for the 2013 Sony World Photography Awards in Professional, Open and Youth categories. The prestigious annual awards contest, judged in six different categories, saw more than 122,000 entries from 170 countries this year -- the highest number of entries to date. The winners are scheduled to be announced in March and April, 2013.
Bringing together the very best international contemporary photography, the professional shortlist in particular, offers a unique insight into 2012 through the eyes of some of the world's best emerging and established photography talents.
In the first part of a series, we present some of the final shortlists in the Professional category. The photographs are published with permission from the organisers.
This photograph has been shot for project: Honkey Kong -- a 2d platform game tribute.
Shot on location in Hong Kong, the images were shot from skyscrapers toward the ground, using a telephoto lens to make the image as flat as possible to make it look like a platform game. It was shot to advertise for a sneaker brand.
Photographer's Name: Christian Aslund, Sweden, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards.





A man is arrested by the Rochester police after having assaulted his father with a samurai sword. The area of Rochester, New York, where these pictures have been taken is part of the so called 'Crescent', a moon shaped area that runs across several Rochester neighbourhoods and where crime rates are significantly higher than the rest of the city.
The Crescent is home to 27 percent of the residents and 80 percent of the homicides in Rochester.
Photographer's Name: Paolo Pellegrin, Italy, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards.




Cinema goers watch a Pashto film at Pamir Cinema in Kabul May 4, 2012.
Once a treasured luxury for the elite, Afghan cinemas are dilapidated and reflect an industry on the brink of collapse from conflict and financial neglect. Kabul's cinemas show Pakistani films in Pashto, American action films and Bollywood to rowdy, largely unemployed crowds in pursuit of any distraction from their drab surroundings.
Photographer's Name: Danish Siddiqui, India, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards.




Usain Bolt of Jamaica races ahead of Ryan Bailey of the United States, Yohan Blake of Jamaica, Justin Gatlin of the United States and Tyson Gay of the United States to win the Men's 100m final on Day 9 of the London 2012 Olympic Games at the Olympic Stadium on August 5, 2012 in London, England.
Photographer's name: Adam Pretty, Australia, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




The image describes a journey through the winter in Norway. A group of 20-30 men and women with 12 horses and sleighs travel during three days, crossing snowed roads and iced lakes, to reach to reach the opening day of Roros winter fair in Norway.
A Royal decree of 1853 states that from 1854 onwards a yearly market shall be held in Roros, commencing the second last Tuesday in the month of February, lasting until the following Friday. Every year more than 200 people will travel to Roross as their ancestors did hundreds of years ago.
Photographer's name: Agurtxane Concellon, Norway, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




On the edge of Oklahoma's Ozarks, where prairies ascend to rolling hills, an outgrowth of American tradition thunders in the air. Under a summer sun, gun enthusiasts peer down the sights of devastating weapons at the annual Oklahoma Full Auto Shoot and Trade Show (OFASTS), one of America's largest fully automatic machine gun expos.
In this photograph, a young boy is supported as he fires a fully automatic machine gun. Safety regulations at OFASTS are extremely tight with all shooters carefully monitored by exhibitors.
"Husbands and wives, often with children in tow, make a weekend of firing a vast array of fully automatic weapons, riding in tanks, and flying in military helicopters. My journey to the OFASTS was born of a growing fascination with the similarities between global gun cultures," the photographer says.
Photographer's name: Pete Muller, United States, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




Ornamental chicken breeding clubs have emerged in Indonesia, Thailand, North America and even European countries such as the UK and France. Malaysia is however the epicenter of this cultural phenomenon. These chickens are prized for their build, size, behaviour and showmanship by their owners and competitions, or beauty contests as they are often described, are held almost every week in at least one village in Malaysia.
The walk or strut by an ornamental chicken in a beauty contest, much like a runway model, constitutes a large part of the scoring system.
Photographer's name: Ernest Goh, Singapore, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




(Seen from the inside of a taxi) A little girl walks home after school in Marrakesh, Morocco.
Photographer's name: Daniel Duart, Spain, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



Seventy one-years-old Mirella spent 43 years of her life with the only person she loved -- 43 years of sharing difficulties, laughs and beautiful moments. Since few years her days are monotonous cause her husband's illness, anyway she tries to looks forward with devotion, strength and love.
For people affected with dementia, their families and friends are equally affected on personal, emotional, financial and social levels. The lack of awareness is a global problem.
"Mirella is the love story of a woman for her husband, a woman suddenly forced to face on her own the biggest difficulty experienced, made by hopes and unbelief, pain and resignation, sorrow and powerlessness," the photographer says.
Photographer's name: Fausto Podavini, Italy, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




The twins Laura and BelAn on the day of their fifteenth birthday celebration. In Latin America, the celebration of the fifteenth birthday of a teenager is very important because it marks the transition from childhood to maturity.
This photograph is part of a series named Limousine.
The photographer says, "A luxury emblem used to transport politicians and rock stars in the '80s, nowadays the limousine turned into an icon of the Argentinean popular culture. Brides in their white dresses, starlets television, fifteen years old celebrating their birthdays, and future husbands: they all share the same sensation of sitting one night on an electric blue Ford Fairlane from 1972".
Photographer's name: Myriam Meloni, Italy, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



This photograph, shot in Thailand, is part of a series named 'I'm gay'.
"People living under the gray shade of social norms are still struggling to demonstrate their voices, and gays are indubitably one of them. My close friend enjoys the same sex, but that's his secret. Some more gay friends are open, some still hide, some don't want to speak out, but all know their true selves," the photographer says.
Photographer's name: Satirat Damampai, Thailand, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




On November 20, 2012, an armed group called M23 took over the town of Goma in the North Kivu province, Democratic Republic of Congo. This event is just one more step into the chaos cycle DRC has been embedded in since almost twenty years.
Foula Amani, a refugee daughter, is seen at a displaced persons camp in the ruins of Kanyaruchinya, Democratic Republic of Congo.
Photographer's name: Colin Delfosse, Belgium, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards
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2


This photograph, shot as part of a series named 'Four More Years: The 2012 Barack Obama Campaign', was taken throughout the last four months of United States President Barack Obama's presidential campaign and were used by the campaign in television advertising, the web, social media, and print literature.
Images include moments backstage with the president and the First Lady, a visit with an irrepressible pizza shop owner, among others.
Photographer's name: Scout Tufankjian, United States, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




Ghoramara island is located on a delta region in West Bengal. Due to the dramatic increase in sea level, resulting from the global warming effects since the 1960s, the shores of this island are being perpetually washed away.
Since the 1980s more than 50 per cent of the territory has vanished due to erosion by the sea. Many of the people still living on the island are farmers and fishermen who depend on the island's resources for their livelihoods.
Commenting on the photograph, the photographer says, "I did not want to follow the general style of photojournalism, because the eroding shore tells the situation where villagers live in".
Photographer's name: Daesung Lee, South Korea, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



On 14 November, 2012, Israeli Defence Forces launched a seven day operation in the Hamas controlled Gaza Strip, dubbed 'Operation Pillar of Defence'.
The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights said that 158 Palestinians were killed during the operation, of which 102 were civilians.
Photographer's name: Oliver Weiken, Germany, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



Taking its point of departure in the idea that every person on Earth is connected in the sixth degree, this series of photos depicts human connections through the city of Copenhagen, Denmark.
The set up is that the photographer portrays random people that he engages with in the streets, and that these chance meetings end up with him taking highly personal photos of these people, who then each send the photographer to another person in their network, who he can portray, who then gives him the name of another person.
Photographer's name: Jens Juul, Denmark2013 Sony World Photography Awards



The Australian Mens Olympic Waterpolo Team are photographed in an empty Bondi Icebergs pool at Bondi Beach on May 31, 2012, in Sydney, Australia.
The 'Aussie Sharks', as they are known, were finalsing their preperations for the 2012 London Olympic Games when the photographer asked them to pose in a famous ocean pool -- with the twist of it being empty.
Photographer's name: Ryan Pierse, Australia, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




'Lie Down' is a surrealist collection of pictures that create the feeling of being upright on a vertical surface.
"The objects on each image talk to the viewer and tell them about a distort reality from a subjective point of view by playing with installations under natural light and reflections," the photographer says.
Photographer's name: Edurne Aguinaga, Spain, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



This photograph shows a woman veteran of the Second World War in Belarus. They are almost 90 of them. The war started for them in 1941 when they were 16-18. They were born in all parts of the Soviet Union.
"As a result of the fall of Soviet Union they are all Belarussians now. Belarussian propaganda uses them as an example of good patriots and citizens," the photographer says.
Photographer's name: Agnieszka Rayss, Poland, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



Families visit the shrine of Hazrat Ali, or the Blue Mosque, in Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan on May 11, 2012. The historical mosque attracts thousands of pilgrims each year.
Photographer's name: Kuni Takahashi, Japan, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




A child waits to unload drums of diesel at a jetty in the Niger Delta where illicitly refined fuel is sold on the black market to local filling stations.
In many riverine communities throughout the delta, the entire local economy revolves around the illicit diesel trade, and young children often work at the unloading docks rather than going to school.
Photographer's name: Samuel James, USA, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards




This photograph shot as part of a series named 'Territory' is focused on various aspects and boundaries in the urban landscape. There are boundaries in landscapes which exist between the public and the private space, there are specifics of vision and perception, and an urban landscape serves as evidence of the way in which people populate and move around in territories.
Photos are captured in twilight conditions, when the lighting is visible. "Contemporary architecture is unthinkable without the light. Light plays an important role in highlighting and hiding," the photographer comments.
Photographer's name: Reinis Hofmanis, Latvia, 2013 Sony World Photography Awards



The photographer says, "It's about daily life in various places, it was important fort the client and campaign to show a mix of people, different genders, ages, cultures and ethnics".

Politics beyond the noose

Pratap Bhanu Mehta Posted online: Mon Feb 11 2013, 03:26 hrs
It is the peculiar indignity of our republic that the odour of
conspiracy so often attaches itself to death. Far from bringing a
dignified closure to a serious episode, Afzal Guru's execution raises
several political challenges. There is such a deeply entrenched
suspicion among so many sections of Indian society that it is perhaps
worth beginning by resetting some presumptive courtesies citizens
should extend to each other. If you read the Supreme Court judgment
upholding Afzal Guru's sentence in its entirety, it is very hard to
sustain the charge that the court is being malicious, biased or has no
concern for fairness. It does quite a job of sifting through various
arguments. Indeed, there are moments where it is easy to use the
court's own scrupulousness against it. The crime is serious. Even
though Afzal Guru was not a regular member of a terrorist
organisation, the court was convinced that he was part of a
conspiracy. And the court came to a judgment, according to its best
lights.
Having said that, it is not unreasonable for someone to disagree with
the court's final determination. The disagreement turns on two
judgement calls. Was the quality of representation at the stage of the
first trial so inadequate as to cast doubt on whether Afzal Guru got a
fair defence? This question is particularly germane when the death
penalty is being awarded. And second, was the death sentence the right
punishment for the crime? Raising these questions should not be out of
bounds. Those campaigning on Afzal Guru's behalf are not enemies of
democracy. On the contrary, they are strengthening it. If anything,
India is more likely to be strengthened, not by the hangman's noose,
but the candour and quality of its public discussion. Civil society
can sometimes be too presumptuous in attributing bias to the state;
equally it has to be said that the state is sometimes too quick to
dismiss those who might think it has made a mistake. Let us at least
grant some good faith disagreement in judgment.

This is not a question of being evasively even-handed between the
state and its critics. For what it's worth, this column has
consistently argued against the death penalty. Every hanging is
potentially a dark day for justice. It has also pointed out that even
the courts make mistakes. In this instance, though, at least from the
outside, there does not seem to be damning evidence of bad faith in
the judicial process itself. The courts took a call, with all the
attendant imperfections that are associated with the process. And we
have to give that call some presumptive authority; and the state has
to act upon it.

But there is a question about the narrative surrounding the execution.
There is a good reason for granting the executive some discretion over
the administering of the death penalty. It would be a mistake to take
away that discretion. This discretion gives more opportunity to
wrestle with any residual doubts the executive might have in death
penalty cases; they are in a special class. It is rightly premised on
the idea that executions can be political acts, not in a narrow
partisan sense, but in the sense that larger political issues
affecting the nation can be taken into account. The question is not
one of discretion, but whether it can be exercised credibly and
fairly. And here is where the state fails. It has failed to project
its own credibility for several reasons.

The biggest threat to the credibility of the Indian state is
loose-talking politicians and officials. Justice must not just be
done; in a state that cares for legitimacy it must be seen to be done.
We can only speculate on the immediate political logic that drove the
timing of the decision. But, politics apart, the executive does have a
structural crisis of credibility: its own conduct makes it
untrustworthy. One day Digvijaya Singh is casting doubt on the
integrity of the state and castigating it for false prosecutions. The
next day he is evoking the same state to shore up the Congress's
credentials on the war on terror. Sushilkumar Shinde, one day, makes
grave accusations of the RSS and the BJP being associated with terror
and then fails to follow through on the logic of his own argument; the
next day, he is trying to project a state above politics. The irony of
the Congress, in public, trying to shore up its credentials on the war
on terror, while Narendra Modi goes on about growth, is not being
lost. It is lending credence to the suspicion that the Congress,
perhaps even more than the BJP, has an investment in keeping
communalism alive as a political issue. The BJP, for its part, will
never learn the lesson that a credible justice system requires a
certain matter-of-factness in civil society; not a breast-beating call
for death. When you look at the conduct of this lot, it has been hard
not to harbour doubts about the kind of considerations that move their
decisions. This is a real political problem. They demand from citizens
a presumptive authority in the state. But they have done precious
little to make it credible. This crisis is only going to get
exacerbated.

It has also been exacerbated by the fact that the absence of any
political leadership has made articulating the so-called political
conscience of the nation difficult. It is now a free-for-all, where
every politician speaks without any sense of responsibility. Words
alone do not matter, but discourse from politicians that does not do
justice to the moral complexity of the matter undermines trust.

The Indian state has, again unwittingly, exposed its deep fragility.
It had to take precautions in Jammu and Kashmir against violence. But
how long can the Indian state continue on the presumption of distrust
against ordinary Kashmiris? In the guise of saving them, the Centre
wastes no opportunity to underscore its essential suspicion of
Kashmir: it isolates it, cuts it off from elementary connections of
modern life like internet and cable television, puts virtually the
whole state under curfew. This is not the sign of a state tough on the
war on terror. It is the sign of a state too frightened of its own
people, too easily ready to sequester them. Both the BJP and the
Congress will serve India better if, the next time they want to appear
tough on the war on terror, they measure themselves by their ability
to bring Kashmir into the fold of normal life. We may have hanged
Afzal Guru. But the process of restoring the larger credibility of the
state has barely begun.

The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi

Indian Express

In Tihar, officials feel ‘tinge of sorrow’

'Al vida', said Afzal Guru to his executioner, who had himself bid him
good bye with the same words a few seconds earlier. And then as the
executioner pulled a lever, Afzal's frame hung from the gallows.

"He was dead in a minute, though", as per the jail norms, the body was
kept hanging for a full half hour, said an official who witnessed the
hanging. Thereafter Afzal's body was taken down from the gallows and
buried with full religious rites near Jail No. 3, right next to the
grave of Kashmiri separatist Maqbool Butt who too was hanged in Tihar.

"But there is a difference between the two. While Butt was a
separatist leader, Afzal never spoke about secession of Kashmir from
India. In fact, he used to tell us that he had been unnecessarily
dragged into this. In fact, he actually believed in ridding India of
corruption," the official added. He spoke to The Hindu on condition he
not be identified because he was not authorised to speak to the press.

While right-wing activists across the country celebrated Afzal's
execution, in the jail itself there was no celebration. Rather, the
staff appeared glum. "He was a pious soul and was extremely well
behaved. Even as he was being taken to the gallows, he greeted the
jail staff he knew by their first names. The only thing he requested
before the hanging was that 'mujhay ummeed hai aap mujhay dard nahin
karaogay' (I hope you will not cause me pain). And he was assured by
the executioner, who himself was overcome with emotion as he kept
looking into his eyes as the black cloth was drawn over them, that it
would be a smooth journey. And so it was."

Contrary to some media reports, Afzal was told of his impending
execution on the actual morning and not the previous evening.

"The only thing he had in the morning was a cup of tea. But that is
because he was not offered any food. Otherwise, he was so normal that
he would have had that too." Initially Afzal was wearing a pheran, or
Kashmiri gown. He later took bath and changed into a white
kurta-pyjama and offered namaz.

"There have been about 25 executions in Tihar and senior officials
[here] have witnessed the last 10, but never have they seen a man so
calm and composed on learning the news of his impending death."

In the last couple of hours of his life, Afzal had the company of some
jail officials. And he narrated to them his thoughts about life and
death. "He spoke of universal brotherhood and oneness of the mankind;
how no human being is bad and how the soul in each one was a creation
of the same God. He believed that if you moved on the path of truth,
that was the biggest achievement."

In fact, Afzal was so calm in the morning that he even penned down
some of his thoughts, put the date and time on the paper and signed
it.

When asked by the jail staff about his last thoughts of his family, on
who would take care of them, Afzal said "it was God who looks after
each one of us and so would be the case now".

"His strength came from his spirituality. He was a learned man; as
well versed in Islam as with Hinduism. Often, he would tell us about
the similarities in the two religions. Some time ago he had read all
the four Vedas. How many Hindus have actually done that? You normally
rejoice at the end of evil, [but] when a pious soul goes away, it
leaves behind a tinge of sorrow," the official said.

Recalling, how all through Afzal was "joyful" as also "cool and calm",
the officials said in the past they have seen people shiver at being
told about their being taken to the gallows. "But here it was just
like what we had heard about people going to the gallows smiling."

Another difference between Afzal and others who were executed for
terrorist crimes terrorists, the official said, was that while almost
all others had made religious or political cries before being hanged,
Afzal just walked the last 100 steps from his cell to the gallows as
he normally would and went away wishing those around him.

The Hindu

Narendra Modi — India’s Nixon?

The illiberal face of the liberals is seldom commented upon in India
because if you do, the pack labels you as illiberal. That is their
power.
Few Indians today remember Richard Milhous Nixon, the 37th President
of the US. He broke US law by obstructing justice and was forced to
resign in 1974, halfway through his second term.

But today, by common consent, he is regarded as one of the three most
successful 20th century US Presidents. But at the time the liberals
got after him — even before he had broken the law.

Only those who have been persecuted by liberals know that when they
get after you, they become almost entirely illiberal. There is no one
more dangerous than a liberal out on a fox hunt. Ask Indira Gandhi.

Indeed, the utter illiberality of the liberals is one of the greatest
paradoxes of our time. Academics have pondered long and deep over it
and failed to come up with a solution. They seem as helpless as when
trying to explain the depravities of the deeply devout.

What happened to Nixon is very similar to what has been happening to
Narendra Modi since 2002. In a nutshell, the American liberals had
decided that Nixon was unfit to govern the US and went after him.

In exactly the same way, the urban Indian liberals have decided that
Modi is unfit to govern India. And they have been going after him,
prepared like the Americans in the 1970s, to accept incompetents
instead.

Modi's mulishness
I have spoken to Modi only twice in my life. The first time was when,
after reading something I had written in November 2009
(http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/todays-paper/will-manmohan-acknowledge-the-modi-model/article1068726.ece),
he called me up and spoke at length about his government's
achievements.

The second time was a year later. I was visiting my cousin in
Ahmedabad and, taking up his invitation, I called on him.

Mainly, I wanted to find out why he was shying away from cultivating
the liberals of Delhi. It seemed to me that exactly like Nixon, Modi
too seemed to have an inferiority complex and that this was preventing
him from engaging with the liberals.

He insisted he would not come to Delhi to meet them. Then let them
come to Gujarat, I said.

Organise stay-over seminars twice a year in remote places from where
they cannot run off. Spend a weekend with them. But just as Nixon
didn't budge, Modi too has remained adamant.

Nixon paid a heavy price for this obstinacy in terms of his
reputation, just as Modi is paying. Nixon could do nothing right, just
as Modi can't.

Silence of the lambs
This illiberal face of the liberals is seldom commented upon in India
because if you do, the pack labels you as illiberal. That is their
power.

To see just how illiberal the liberals can be, you only have to
compare Rajiv Gandhi's first week in office in 1984, when the
anti-Sikh riots took place, with the Gujarat riots of 2002. In four
days, over 3,000 Sikhs were killed by Hindus. Rajiv's government, till
late on Day Four, simply stood by and watched.

In 1998, after Sonia Gandhi became Congress President, a slow
'liberal' whisper began in Delhi. It said it was on Home Minister
Narasimha Rao's advice that Rajiv had not called out the army on Day
One. It is now the received wisdom amongst the liberals of Delhi.

The differences between Rajiv and Modi are many, including crucially
of class. But as far as reputation is concerned, there has been only
one deciding factor: While Rajiv engaged with the liberals, Modi, like
Nixon, detests them.

It helped that Rajiv was from Delhi and Modi isn't. He even got away
with persecuting an old Muslim lady, Shah Bano. Nixon was also not
from the Eastern establishment.

Liberal labels
So who is a liberal, then? A liberal, by my reckoning, is a person
designated as a liberal by other liberals, usually on a single
communal sub-criterion. As a result, the most liberal person can be
labelled illiberal by liberals and the most illiberal as liberal.

For instance, as long as Arun Shourie was raging against Indira
Gandhi's governments, he was a liberal. But when he attacked Rajiv's
government, he was labelled illiberal. The irony was that Shourie had
himself played this game in his time.

He sealed his fate when he wrote those three books about — and not
against, as the liberals will have it — Ambedkar, fatwas and
Christians respectively.

I know him well and it was not he who changed. It was the liberals who
changed their minds about him.

It is in this sense of shifting definitions that one has to sympathise
with Nixon's and Modi's approach to liberals. Their shifting goalposts
for defining a liberal make the effort seem pointless.

But is it really?
Most Indian liberals are wannabes. They are anxious to 'belong' and
see selective liberal-certified illiberalism as the entry ticket to a
certain type of social acceptability.

Their numbers may be small but can potential leaders of countries
afford to treat them with contempt? I don't think so.

Modi has probably already left it a bit too late. But there may just
be enough time for him to build some bridges to the liberals. If
nothing else, it will help him overcome his complex and he can fight
another day.

But that's his problem. What worries me is that after Nixon, the US
got two highly ineffective Presidents, Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter.
Who will we get?

What? Who did you say? No! You can't be serious!
TCA Sirinivasaraghvan Businessline

Yasser Arafat's widow says her marriage was 'a big mistake'

Suha Arafat says she tried to leave hundreds of times and would not
have married if she had known what was in store

Yasser Arafat's widow has said she tried to leave her husband hundreds
of times and that had she known what marriage to the Palestinian
leader would be like, she would never have gone through with it.

Suha Arafat told the Turkish newspaper Sabah that she had loved her
husband but the marriage "was a big mistake and I regret it". "I know
there were a lot of women that wanted to marry Arafat, but he wanted
only me. It was my fate," she said.

The couple married secretly in Tunisia in 1990, when Suha was 27 and
Arafat 61. Their daughter Zahwa was born five years later.

Her mother had opposed the match, she said. "Later I understood why.
Had I known what I would endure, I clearly wouldn't have married him …
True, he was a great leader, but I was lonely."

"I tried to leave him hundreds of times, but he wouldn't let me.
Everyone knows how he wouldn't permit me to leave. Especially those in
his servitude, they know very well what it was like."

Suha converted from Christianity to Islam at the time of her marriage.
She led an isolated life for security reasons, she said. "I had to be
careful in my phone conversations because of bugging, and we were
always moving from one location to another," she added. "My identity
was completely destroyed."

Even though life with Arafat had been difficult, "my life without him
is even harder", she said.

Since the death of the former Palestinian president eight years ago,
Suha said she had received dozens of marriage proposals, but had
rejected all suitors. Based in Malta, she and her daughter live on a
Palestinian Authority pension of €10,000 (£8,450) a month – "that's
not secret, it is documented".

Suha is reviled by many Palestinians, who are sceptical about her
conversion to Islam and suspicious of how her affluent lifestyle is
funded. She denied allegations that millions of dollars were
channelled to secret bank accounts. "All the stories about Arafat
putting millions in my bank account are nonsense and lies. The money
is with those who were close to Arafat, and anyone who is determined
can find it."

Arafat died in a Paris hospital in November 2004 after falling ill
while under Israeli military siege in his presidential compound in
Ramallah in the West Bank. French doctors concluded he had a stroke
after suffering from a blood disorder known as disseminated
intravascular coagulation.Many Palestinians, however, believe Israeli
agents poisoned him.

Suha refused an autopsy on Arafat's body at the time of his death, but
last year she handed over items including a toothbrush and underwear
to scientists at the Institute of Radiation Physics in Lausanne to
test them for evidence of poison. They detected traces of
Polonium-210, a deadly radioactive substance.

In November last year, Arafat's body was exhumed from its mausoleum in
Ramallah for further tests.
Guardian

Top Secret: The Making of India’s Budget

It's February, and a veil of secrecy has enveloped parts of North Block, a wing of government offices in central Delhi that houses India's finance ministry.
These days, the block, usually teeming with journalists, is strictly off limits to them.
Countdown to India's budget day –Parliament's single most important calendar event –  is on. As usual, this year it falls on Feb. 28. Last year, it was on March 16, a couple of weeks later than usual owing to then ongoing state elections in parts of the country.
This time around, the stakes are especially high, as this is the government's last chance to kick-start growth ahead of general elections next year. And there's a lot of work to do: the budget will need to address a slowing economy and try to rein in widening fiscal and current account deficits.
Finance Minister P. Chidambaram has already taken steps in the right direction, recently lifting caps on foreign direct investment, raising prices of subsidized diesel and import duties on gold, and cutting public expenditure. This will be the eighth budget in his career but the first in his latest stint as finance minister, which began in the summer.
In 1997, some economists credited him for delivering a "dream budget" outlining a roadmap for economic reforms, including lowering income tax and corporate tax rates.
The question is whether this can be repeated. It will be easy to outdo last year's budget, which economists found disappointing. It failed to take bold measures to encourage investment, or to contain India's widening budget deficit. Instead, it spooked investors through tax reforms including a proposal to tax overseas deals involving Indian assets retroactively – a measure that is currently being reviewed.
We are unlikely to find out until this year's budget is officially unveiled later this month. Ahead of the budget's release, extreme measures are taken to prevent leaks.
Work on the budget typically starts in September, and "by early-November, the first steps towards enforcing secrecy are taken," a former senior official at the finance ministry, told India Real Time. "Internet connections in the offices of senior officers and staff involved in the process are shut-down," he said, comparing North Block during the budget preparation to a "operations room during a war."
Then, three weeks before the budget is presented, "60 to 70 volunteers are taken down to the basement of the North Block, which houses two printing presses, and confined there with no contact with the outside world till the whole exercise is over," he added. These people are involved in printing, proof reading and translation.
A single phone is made available to them on which they can only receive calls, and that too, in the presence of an intelligence official, he said, adding that more than 95% of the group volunteer every year.
Senior ministry officials though can keep their normal routine, the official said.
Ceilings on expenditure for most ministries are fixed by the third week of December. By this time, the finance ministry completes assessments of revenue and market borrowings, and the first draft of the budget sees the light.
By the first week of January, estimates of tax revenue come in and by the end of the month, estimates of major subsidies and defense expenditure are finalized. Discussions on taxes – corporate, sector-specific and personal – start in January and the proposals are completed at the 11th hour.
The Finance Minister's budget speech is finalized just a couple of days before the presentation of the Budget, the official said.
This year, the budget session of Parliament is from Feb. 21 to May 10, with a month's break in between – from March 23 to April 21. A finance ministry official declined to comment.

Message From a Sadhu: Detach From Family to Avoid Sadness

ALLAHABAD, Uttar Pradesh — Do your duty, but stop worrying so much about parents, wife and children.
That was the message of the 60-year-old Hindu mystic Maheshanand Giri from the Shri Panchayati Mahanirvani Akhara as he sat outside of a yellow and red tent set up on the vast grounds of the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad this weekend.
Attachments bring sadness, he said.
Hindu mystic Maheshanand Giri at the Kumbh Mela.Gardiner Harris for The New York TimesHindu mystic Maheshanand Giri at the Kumbh Mela.
"Getting rid of attachments is the first step to salvation," he said, sitting beside a small wood fire. "If your family is sick, if your father dies, then you will feel sadness."
The mystics who come to the Kumbh are part of religious orders that were once mercenary armies that terrified parts of northern India centuries ago, according to William Pinch, a professor of history at Wesleyan University in Connecticut.
"They are the ghosts of armies past," Dr. Pinch said in an interview. "And they were often employed as assassins."
These armies often stole or bought children to fill their ranks, Dr. Pinch said. And the rituals of joining the orders usually involved cutting all ties to family, he said.
"The rituals that they undergo when they join the order are a separation from caste society, which involves a social death," Dr. Pinch said. "The order becomes your family."
Ascetics are often thought by Westerners to be peace-loving monks, but Hindu sadhus generally revere Lord Shiva, who could lift mountains with one finger and was known to sever heads. At the Kumbh, the sadhus brandished ceremonial tridents, swords and spears. Some waved around baseball bats, and their celebrations during the procession to the Ganges were decidedly warlike.
But in his tent, Mr. Giri's message to those who had little appetite for abandoning their family was to take a somewhat more detached view of loved ones.
"With your wife, you should stop having sex after you have your children," he said. "And with your children, you should do your duty but draw a line in your attachment. If you are too attached, you will not be happy."
He said he was particularly angry about the proliferation of pornography through cell phones and the Internet. "The government should do something to stop this," he said.
But a fondness for coffee is allowed, he said, even though some may call it an unhealthy addiction.
"Drinking coffee is your choice. It's not an attachment," he said. "It's O.K. to drink coffee."
NYT

The Pope is paid nothing and owns nothing.



This was confirmed in 2001 when Vatican spokesman Joaqun Navarro-Valls ended speculation about the Pope's personal wealth by saying: 'The Pope does not and has never received a salary."

However, as head of the Catholic Church and head of state of the Vatican, all the Pope's worldly needs are looked after. A recent estimate of the Vatican's wealth by Time magazine put it at between $10 and $15 billion.










A factoid from the website qi.com:

Cardinal from Ghana is an early favourite:



Cardinal Peter Turkson, a Ghanaian, is president of the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace. He has been considered 'papabile' since he was appointed to this post by Benedict XVI in 2009 amid speculation that the next pope would probably be from Africa as part of the Catholic church's attempts to modernise and reach out to a huge Catholic congregation from the Sahel southwards.

Peter Turkson was born in western Ghana to a Methodist mother and Catholic father. As a boy in the seminary he was considered far too boisterous to be content in a contemplative, solemn career in the church.

But he was reportedly begged by his mother to knuckle down and study hard to become a priest, and he did so well he was chosen to move to the US to study at St Anthony-on-Hudson Seminary in Rensselaer, New York, and he was ordained as a priest in 1975.

Returning to Ghana, he became a professor at St Teresa's Seminary, near where he grew up, and dedicated himself to academia as well as performing pastoral work in the local area.

In 1992 he was appointed Archbishop of Cape Coast by Pope John Paul II and served as president of the Ghana Catholic Bishops' Conference from 1997 to 2005.

It was during this time, in 2003, when Pope John Paul made him the first ever Ghanaian cardinal and his influence was extended by Pope Benedict XVI, who appointed him president of the Ponitifical Council for Justice and Peace, a role which sent him around the world mediating in countries such as the Ivory Coast in 2011.

In October of that year he called for the establishment of a 'global public authority' and a 'central world bank' and has come out in favour of a Robin Hood-style tax on large financial transactions. When he visited Britain with Pope Benedict in 2010 he was singled out as a possible successor.

Guardian

Interesting factoids on the Pope...



In 2005 Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI, sold his 1999 VW Golf for $13,000. It was reported to be in a 'well-cared-for condition' and was later re-sold on eBay for $244,000 to the Golden Palace casino in Austin, Texas as a 'celebrity status item'.There are at least 20 Popemobiles around the world, including half a dozen in the Vatican garage.




And a lovely quote from the Pope who preceded Pope John Paul II:

It often happens that I wake at night and begin to think about a serious problem and decide I must tell the Pope about it. Then I wake up completely and remember that I am the Pope.

-- Pope John XXIII (1881-1963)

Robert Shiller: Don’t Invest in Housing

Robert Shiller of Yale was on Bloomberg yesterday discussing housing and his general outlook. But the most interesting comments were with regards to his general view of housing as it pertains to your overall portfolio. Shiller said that investing in housing was a "fad" and not a great historical investment. Of course, if you're familiar with his long-term real returns chart  housing generally generates returns that are in-line with inflation. US residential real estate just isn't a great investment in real terms.
housing 10 Questions (and Answers) for 2013


Shiller explains why:

"Housing is traditionally is not viewed as a great investment. It takes maintenance, it depreciates, it goes out of style. All of those are problems. And there's technical progress in housing. So, the new ones are better….So, why was it considered an investment? That was a fad. That was an idea that took hold in the early 2000′s. And I don't expect it to come back. Not with the same force. So people might just decide, 'yeah, I'll diversify my portfolio. I'll live in a rental.' That is a very sensible thing for many people to do.

…From 1890 to 1990 the appreciation in US housing was just about zero.  That amazes people, but it shouldn't be so amazing because the cost of construction and labor has been going down.

…They're not really an investment vehicle unless you want it for your personal reasons."

This is a contentious debate.  In strict economic terms housing is viewed as investment and not consumption.  That's why the BLS doesn't include house prices in the CPI.  Even though housing includes fixed investment, you're really consuming your house over the course of many years so there's elements of both consumption and investment in housing.  The reasoning Dr. Shiller uses here is a big part of the consumption.  A house is a depreciating asset even though the land might not be.

Obviously, there are a lot of moving parts here and I am not sure I completely agree with Dr. Shiller.  Well run rental properties and commercial properties can be good investments, but most of us are living in our homes.  We're consuming our home one day at a time and hoping that the scarcity of housing and land will result in prices outperforming inflation.  But there's a flaw in that thinking also.  Because housing is such a large portion of most people's expenses it has a very close connection with wages which have a very close connection with inflation.  So it's not surprising to see house prices revert to the mean when they diverge from the annual rate of inflation – in general, that's a sign that prices aren't supported by incomes.

Personally, I prefer to think of a house as a place that provides intangible benefits and not investment benefits.  You buy a house because it puts a roof over your head.  You buy a house to live in it, not to invest in it.  But, like commodities, housing has become its own "asset class" that Wall Street has packaged up and sold to the American public as an equivalent to buying 500 of the best companies in the world (the S&P 500).   Most people also don't invest in the stock market, but that's a different discussion….I wouldn't go so far as to say that real estate can't be a good investment for some people (mostly experts), but for most of us the odds are that "investing" in real estate is not the right way to think about things.

I'd love to hear reader thoughts on this topic….

Sunday, 10 February 2013

How The Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Cover Went From Conservative To Tops Optional



The Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue, which will be on newsstands next week, debuted in 1964 as a five page supplement meant to increase readership during the winter sports lull after the Super Bowl.


The very first cover featured a model in a conservative, non-revealing bikini. The photo was shot at a wide angle, almost focusing more on the beach background than the model.


Throughout the '60s, '70s, and '80s, the covers remained fairly tame; they generally featured a beautiful model wearing a bathing suit any young woman would wear to the beach.


In the '90s and 2000s, a trend began. The models started wearing less and less, and the camera focused more and more on their bodies, and less on the surrounding scene.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/sports-illustrated-swimsuit-covers-2013-2?op=1#ixzz2KWIGfr1G

NYT: Apple Is Developing A Curved-Glass Smart Watch

Apple is working on an iWatch, Nick Bilton at the New York Times reports.
The "smart watch," as Bilton calls it, uses curved glass to bend to people's wrists.
It's unclear where Apple is in terms of actual development. Bilton doesn't have a timetable for release, or even a set of features.
He simply reports:
In its headquarters in Cupertino, Calif., Apple is experimenting with wristwatch-like devices made of curved glass, according to people familiar with the company's explorations, who spoke on the condition that they not be named because they are not allowed to publicly discuss unreleased products. Such a watch would operate Apple's iOS platform, two people said, and stand apart from competitors based on the company's understanding of how such glass can curve around the human body.
There has been a steady increase in the noise around Apple making an iWatch for the past few months.
While it's nowhere near as exciting as a full-blown Apple television, it's a much easier gadget for Apple to make. Unlike with a TV, Apple doesn't need to get cable companies and content companies on board. It can just make an iWatch.
If Apple does release such a device, we don't expect it to be a blockbuster product like the iPhone or the iPad, at least not in terms of Apple's top or bottom lines.
We would expect it to be an experimental project for Apple. An iWatch would be a watch in the same way that an iPhone is a phone. It would really be a wearable computer. Nike's fitness tracking gadget, the Fuelband, as well as Jawbone's UP, are showing that there is a market for wearable computers.
An iWatch that works with the iPhone could provide the user with more information about their daily activities while at the same time providing a super quick way to check email and text messages.
Down the road, some people believe that "wearable computers" can replace smartphones as the next big thing. An iWatch would be Apple's entry point to see what people want, just like the current Apple TV is an experiment to figure out what people want with a digital TV.


Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/nyt-apple-is-developing-a-curved-glass-smartwatch-2013-2#ixzz2KWHGpLur